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Fairfax County School Board’s Bloated Staff

Stephanie Lundquist-Arora is a contributor for IW Features, The Federalist and the Washington Examiner, a mother in Fairfax County, Virginia, an author and the Fairfax chapter leader of the Independent Women’s Network. Her articles have also appeared in National Review, Fox News Digital, The Daily Signal and Townhall. Originally appeared on WMAL.


In 2025, as Fairfax County Public Schools’ (FCPS) leaders eliminated 275 teaching positions, school board members voted in a closed meeting to add “staff directors” to the payroll in addition to their “staff assistants.”

Given that school board members are supported by district administrative staff, a total of 10 school board–specific staff members likely would be sufficient to assist the 12 part-time board members in carrying out their duties. Instead, the school board employs 28 other support staff. Including board members’ earnings, total annual expenditures for board-related salaries—excluding benefits—amount to $3.7 million.

School Board Members and Staff (2025-2026)

NamePositionSalary
Anderson, Sandra BSchool Board Chair$49,999
Lady, RobynSchool Board Vice Chair$47,999
Anderson, Ricardy JSchool Board Member$47,999
McElveen, Ryan LSchool Board Member$47,999
Moon, IlryongSchool Board Member$47,999
McDaniel, Robert KSchool Board Member$47,999
St John-Cunning, MarciaSchool Board Member$47,999
Frisch, Karl VSchool Board Member$47,999
Meren, Melanie KSchool Board Member$47,999
Dixit, SeemaSchool Board Member$47,999
Dunne, Mateo OSchool Board Member$47,999
Braddock District TBDSchool Board Member$47,999
Brown, Nelda NSchool Board Staff Aide$133,063
Cuda, Gilman PSchool Board Staff Assistant$79,647
Azar, Tamara CSchool Board Staff Assistant$106,512
Fischer, Liam SSchool Board Staff Assistant$76,954
Chavez, Ana CSchool Board Staff Assistant$90,956
Rubin, Eric DSchool Board Staff Assistant$79,647
Holmes, Maria EsperanzaSchool Board Staff Assistant$82,435
Bennett, Caitlin ESchool Board Staff Assistant$85,320
Goodell, Sarah LSchool Board Staff Assistant$106,512
Setlow, Christina KClerk to the School Board$152,291
Ko, Yee ChungAuditor General$257,593
Brown, Janet MDeputy Clerk to the School Board$96,846
Jackson, Kevin A Jr.Deputy Clerk to the School Board$96,846
Sheppard, Tiffany LAdministrative Assistant I$87,126
Day, JeremySupport Tech 1$68,214
Wunderlin, DesireeSupport Tech 2$76,069
Gipko, Mary EDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Park, Sarah KDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Flis, Barbara KDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Stokes, Laura EDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Srinagesh, DivyaDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Biliter, Wendy MDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
O’Connor, Jessica NDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Harrer, Jacob HDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Sedgwick, StephanieDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Sheridan, Stephanie RDirector, District Board Operations$127,612
Coffey, CristySenior Executive Admin. Asst.$122,788
TOTAL$3,652,927

Source: FOIA Request

In addition to school board staff, FCPS employs 1,532 additional district administrators (totaling 1,572 central administrative staff members). The total fiscal year 2026 expenditure for central staff salaries is $187 million. The scale of support staff dedicated to part-time school board members and central administration more broadly is symptomatic of corruption and poor leadership within the district.

Saundra Davis, an independent candidate running for the open school board seat in Fairfax County’s Braddock District, believes that FCPS leadership needs to refocus on its main mission—education. She said, “Fairfax County School Board members and their staff should be focused on serving students and schools.”

It seems that some of these staff members, however, are not simply focused on their performing their job duties. Complaints have alleged that Stephanie Sedgwick, Gille Coda, Laura Stokes, and Liam Fischer, (staff members for Rachna Sizemore Heizer and Kyle McDaniel) were working on Heizer’s campaign for the Board of Supervisors during work hours. Davis said, “It’s critical that public resources are used efficiently and focused on serving students and schools, not political campaigns during school hours.”

Taken together, these decisions reveal a troubling misalignment of priorities within FCPS leadership. At a time when classrooms are absorbing the impact of eliminated teaching positions and increasing student needs, the school board has expanded its own staffing footprint far beyond what is reasonably required for part-time governance. The scale and cost of board-dedicated personnel—layered on top of an already expansive central administration—undermines public trust and raises serious questions about fiscal stewardship, transparency, and accountability.

Fairfax County parents and taxpayers deserve a school system that puts students first, not one that appears to prioritize political ambition and bureaucratic self-expansion over educational outcomes. Restoring confidence will require more than rhetoric; it will require a renewed commitment to ethical governance, responsible budgeting, and a clear focus on the core mission of public education. Without meaningful reform, FCPS risks continuing down a path where resources flow upward to administrators and political staffers, while students and teachers are left to do more with less.

No date? No worries; why friends are the real Valentine’s lifesaver

Stephanie Lundquist-Arora is a contributor for IW Features, The Federalist and the Washington Examiner, a mother in Fairfax County, Virginia, an author and the Fairfax chapter leader of the Independent Women’s Network. Her articles have also appeared in National Review, Fox News Digital, The Daily Signal and Townhall. Originally appeared on Fox News.


My friend recently told me that her favorite Valentine’s Day was a few decades ago in second grade, when her playground crush called to say he loved her. 

“It’s been all downhill from there,” she joked.

Another friend said her most cherished memory was when her fifth-grade love interest bought her a bracelet. “And nothing positive since,” she told us, in jest, during the same conversation.

While Valentine’s Day can be a meaningful reminder to celebrate a cherished romantic relationship — even after elementary school — it can also be fraught with dread, obligation and the letdown of unrealistic expectations.

A male friend once told me he refuses to celebrate Valentine’s Day because he resents being told by a calendar when to be thoughtful. Instead, he programs his phone to remind him to buy his wife flowers every 45 days. He admits the irony without hesitation but insists it’s different because his wife doesn’t know about the alerts and is genuinely surprised every time.

He might be onto something. If his wife is genuinely surprised — and actually enjoys flowers — research suggests the unexpected treat triggers a stronger dopamine response. Husbands and boyfriends, however, are often stuck navigating the delicate balance between the joy of surprise and the risk of disappointment when flowers or gifts are expected and fail to appear.

On the other hand, people not in romantic relationships might dread the heart and candy day, when grocery store aisles are overrun with pink and red chaos because it’s a not-so-subtle reminder of their singleness — and, for some, a pang of loneliness.

But there’s hope. Celebrating Valentine’s Day — or any festive occasion — with good friends can boost your well-being and even increase your longevity. In an article last month, oncologist and former Obama White House Special Advisor for Health Policy Ezekiel Emanuel argued that the key to living longer is close friendships. Citing the Health and Retirement Study, he noted that people with the most close friends — an average of 7.8 — had a 17% lower risk of depression and a 24% lower risk of death than those with fewer close friends, who averaged just 1.6.

When I was in high school, my father told me I’d be lucky to have five real friends over the course of my lifetime. I thought he was completely out of his mind and assured him I had dozens. Now it turns out he wasn’t pessimistic. He was practically doing longevity math. Five may be fewer than 7.8, but it’s close enough to feel medically reassuring.

One of my favorite memories is celebrating Valentine’s Day with close college friends a few years before I married. We went to dinner, where we very publicly unwrapped unexpected — and absolutely humiliating — gifts from my friend, who would later become my maid of honor. Then we danced like fools until the club kicked us out. By the time we returned home, my sides hurt from laughing so hard I thought I might cry. I’d like to think we can bank that kind of happiness and draw on it during life’s duller phases.

I can’t imagine my husband, father or brother ditching their, ahem, better halves to grab dinner and go dancing with their buddies on Valentine’s Day. Still, the freezing, midwinter Hallmark holiday offers a perfect excuse to pick up the phone and tell friends how much they matter.

Maybe that’s the real gift Valentine’s Day has to offer — not roses on demand or perfectly timed romance, but a reminder to notice the people who show up again and again, the friends who make us laugh until our sides hurt, who know our embarrassing stories and who stick around long after the candy is gone. 

Romantic love can come with pressure and high expectations, but friendship — including the kind we share with our spouses — has a way of surprising us quietly, reliably and over a lifetime.

Reality on Trial – The Supreme Court, Women’s Sports, and What Comes Next for New Hampshire

Bronwyn Sims is the Southern New Hampshire Chapter Leader for Independent Women’s Network. Originally appeared in Grok! New Hampshire.


How the Supreme Court Confronted Gender Ideology—and Why New Hampshire Must Follow Suit. When the Supreme Court convened this week to hear West Virginia v. B.P.J. and Little v. Hecox, the nine justices faced a question that once would have sounded absurd: must states allow biological males to compete in girls’ and women’s sports?

It is not merely a case about volleyball or track. It is the test of whether America’s legal system will acknowledge the physical realities that Title IX was written to protect—or replace them with a doctrine of identity untethered from biology, fairness, or common sense.

The Reality Check at the High Court

For months, activists framed these cases as battles for “inclusion.” But the arguments inside the Supreme Court chamber exposed something deeper: a movement built on denial.

Justice Samuel Alito asked the lead attorney for the trans-identifying athlete a simple, essential question: “What does it mean to be a boy or a girl, or a man or a woman?” The attorney paused, stumbled, and finally conceded, “We do not have a definition for the Court.” This answer, broadcast across the country, revealed the fatal flaw in gender ideology: in a courtroom charged with deciding how “sex” should be interpreted under law, the movement’s foremost advocates could not define the word itself.

Alliance Defending Freedom President and CEO Kristen Waggoner, who argued in support of West Virginia’s law, later noted another troubling feature of the day: several justices casually used activist language such as “cisgender,” as if it were neutral legal vocabulary rather than a deeply contested label. She emphasized that words shape law, and that adopting terms like “cisgender” effectively recasts women as a variant identity—rather than as the sex Title IX was meant to protect—while smuggling ideological assumptions into constitutional interpretation.

​Perhaps most striking, as Waggoner pointed out, was who went unmentioned in the courtroom. The women and girls actually harmed in Idaho and West Virginia—the athletes displaced hundreds of times by a male runner, the competitors facing increased risk of injury, the girls pushed out of their locker rooms—were largely invisible in the formal dialogue. Their lost titles, diminished opportunities, and compromised privacy existed as footnotes, not as the central civil-rights injury the Court was ostensibly there to address.

​Three years after filmmaker Matt Walsh’s What Is a Woman? challenged the public to confront the basic question that now stumped a Supreme Court advocate, the nation’s highest court found itself in the same position: ideology staring down reality—and losing the argument.

Science, Law, and the Limits of Inclusion

The legal issues at stake were clear. West Virginia and Idaho each enacted “Save Women’s Sports” laws to ensure that female athletic categories remain based on biological sex. The plaintiffs, males identifying as girls, claimed those laws violated Title IX and the Equal Protection Clause.

Supporters of the state laws, including the Independent Council on Women’s Sports (ICONS), IWN Independent Women’s Network and the Alliance Defending Freedom, cited decades of data: post‑puberty males maintain a 10 to 50 percent athletic advantage over females even after long periods of hormone suppression. These advantages arise from bone structure, muscle mass, lung capacity, and androgen exposure—facts of life, not ideology.

The ICONS brief warned that redefining “sex” to mean “gender identity” would “sound the death knell for women’s sport.” It’s not an exaggeration. In West Virginia, one male athlete displaced girls in competition more than 700 times during the injunction against the law. In North Carolina, volleyball player Payton McNabb suffered partial paralysis after a spike from a male opponent. These are not abstractions; they are warning flares.

Even Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg acknowledged in the 1996 VMI ruling that “physical differences between men and women are enduring… the two sexes are not fungible.” Women’s sports exist precisely because those differences matter.

The Cult of Denial

During the hearings, progressive advocates reacted with what can only be called disbelief. When pressed about fairness, safety, or biology, they recited slogans about “affirmation” and “inclusion,” but offered no way to reconcile those values with objective performance data.

Outside the Court, one activist told reporters she didn’t see “why we split up sports” at all—insisting a woman could play basketball as well as any man if she simply practiced enough. It was a soundbite from another planet, and emblematic of what Matt Walsh called “the cult of denial” now consuming the Left.

This isn’t a debate over compassion; it’s a contest between truth and wishful thinking. A society that cannot define a woman cannot safeguard one, either on the field or in the law—and a Court that cannot speak plainly about sex will struggle to protect the very class Title IX was enacted to serve. Truth matters.

From Washington to Concord: The Stakes for New Hampshire

For women in New Hampshire, this fight is anything but abstract. In 2024, Governor Chris Sununu signed HB 1205, ensuring student-athletes play on teams that match the sex listed on their birth certificates. Yet a year later, Governor Kelly Ayotte vetoed HB 148, a broader measure that would have guaranteed single‑sex bathrooms, locker rooms, and sports.

That veto left women unprotected in precisely the spaces where fairness and safety collide.

Meanwhile, most recently the NH legislature advanced Senate Bill 268, grounded in the Independent Women’s Network’s Stand With Women model, defining “male” and “female” in state law and permitting sex‑based classification in sports, shelters, prisons, and similar facilities. The bill passed the House but awaits gubernatorial approval. Will Governor Ayotte sign the bill this time?

The public mandate could not be clearer. According to a May 2024 poll, 74 percent of Granite State voters—including majorities of Democrats, Republicans, and independents—support separate locker rooms and restrooms for biological males and females. Women and men alike overwhelmingly back clear sex‑based protections.

Yet the political class hesitates, fearing activist outrage more than the electorate’s will.

Voices from the Ground

As a coach, athlete, and Southern New Hampshire leader in the Independent Women’s Network, the stakes are visible in every gym and locker room. Girls competing against male athletes lose titles and scholarships; they lose the joy of fair play; they lose the privacy and dignity of female‑only spaces.

Our ICONS brief, signed by 135 women across sports, documents these harms. Swimmers forced to undress beside biological males. Cyclists and golfers losing podiums to male competitors. Coaches fearing professional punishment for speaking truthfully.

These aren’t “culture‑war” hypotheticals—they’re the lived fallout of policies that erase sex in law and language alike, and of courtrooms that speak in euphemisms rather than naming the women who are paying the price.

What the Court’s Decision Means

A ruling in favor of West Virginia would reaffirm what Title IX originally promised: equal opportunity based on sex. It would make clear that Bostock v. Clayton County, the 2020 employment‑discrimination case, does not override the physical realities that define athletic competition. States would retain the right—and responsibility—to preserve female categories for biological females.

A ruling against West Virginia would constitutionalize the concept of gender identity, forcing states to treat males as female for all legal purposes and dismantling decades of progress for women.

From the tone of the oral arguments, many legal observers believe the Court will side with reality and uphold women’s sports. But even the best decision in Washington cannot substitute for courage in Concord NH.

The Next Step for New Hampshire

In a state where nearly three‑quarters of voters back biology‑based protections, it’s time for leadership that reflects that consensus. Governor Ayotte’s veto of HB 148 in 2025 was a retreat. In 2026, she has the chance—and the obligation—to correct it by signing legislation that restores clarity, not confusion.

Our Southern New Hampshire chapter of the Independent Women’s Network is mobilizing for exactly that: letters, testimony, and local organizing to ensure that fairness and safety are not partisan values but shared principles written into law.

The National Association of Intercollegiate Athletics recently adopted a model policy: the male category is open to everyone; the female category is reserved for those born female and not on testosterone. Simple, compassionate, and fair. It’s a roadmap for our state. Please DM me if you want more info.

Reality Reasserts Itself

The hearings this week made one thing plain: the ideology that tried to erase biology is out of arguments. When lawyers cannot define a woman before the Supreme Court, when activists deny the science visible in every Olympic record and every high‑school scoreboard, and when even justices adopt euphemisms like “cisgender” rather than speaking plainly, reality is already winning.

The question now is whether our lawmakers will side with it.

For the girls training in New Hampshire gyms and swimming pools, who dream of fair competition and safety in their own spaces, that question is everything.

Biology is not bigotry. Its fairness, safety, and opportunity—the foundations Title IX was written to uphold. The Supreme Court may soon declare that truth on a national stage. When it does, New Hampshire must be ready to act on it.

Indoctrinating children to leftist political beliefs a top priority in Northern Virginia

Stephanie Lundquist-Arora is a contributor for IW Features, The Federalist and the Washington Examiner, a mother in Fairfax County, Virginia, an author and the Fairfax chapter leader of the Independent Women’s Network. Her articles have also appeared in National Review, Fox News Digital, The Daily Signal and Townhall. Originally appeared on The Washington Times.


Virginia Delegate Dan Helmer, District 10 Democrat, introduced a bill this week encouraging public school boards to adopt an instructional program that would mandate portraying the events of Jan. 6, 2021, exclusively as a violent insurrection and bar discussion of 2020 election fraud claims.

It’s just one example of many in which Democrats are clearly trying to institutionalize their beliefs in our children’s public school policies and curricula.

Northern Virginia’s public school districts’ leaders don’t need any further encouragement from state legislators. In 2020, for example, Fairfax County Public Schools paid Ibram X. Kendi $20,000 for an hourlong virtual presentation to district leaders and principals on his beliefs that all policies are either “racist” or “not racist,” with nothing in between.

Now, Northern Virginia’s school district leaders are engaged in a legal battle with the federal government to allow boys in girls’ bathrooms and sports. Rather than abiding by Title IX and requiring transgender-identifying students to use single-use bathrooms or those based on their sex, Democratic activist leaders in these school districts are compelling speech with mandated “preferred pronouns” and sacrificing the comfort of the many for the whims of the very few.

For these activists, identity boxes are prioritized above education. In addition to making sure children are taught the “right way” to think about Jan. 6, Delegate Joshua Cole, District 65 Democrat, introduced a bill this session that changes the definition of “bullying” to specify “the real or perceived power imbalance” between students based on their membership in a protected class.

In other words, if this bill passes, when two students have an argument in their public school, then the cross-section of all their identities is likely to become more important than the conflict itself.

Regardless of political inclinations, it seems that everyone should agree that the purpose of public education is to educate children. Based on Virginia Democrats’ priorities — pushing political narratives and institutionalizing identity hierarchies — one might think the primary mission is accomplished and students are excelling in their public schools.

That’s not the case. Ironically, while Mr. Helmer tries to control the Jan. 6 narrative, according to the Virginia Department of Education, 34% of Virginia’s public school students failed their history standards of learning test last year. Delegates would better spend their work hours and efforts remedying the fact that fully one-third of Virginia’s students have a poor understanding of basic history.

Across the state, 29% of students failed their science standards of learning test, 28% failed math, 24% failed English writing and 26% failed English reading. The failure rates are even more dismal for Virginia’s economically disadvantaged children.

According to the Virginia Department of Education, 39% of economically disadvantaged students failed their English reading standards of learning test, 38% failed English writing, 41% failed math, 43% failed science and 46% failed history.

So while Virginia Democrats such as Messrs. Helmer and Cole and other equity warriors are introducing and passing legislation to prioritize fringe issues in public education, Virginia’s poorer students are failing at alarming rates. That’s the opposite of equity.

If state legislators truly want to improve public education for Virginia’s children, they should introduce legislation that requires school boards to allocate public funds based on students’ academic outcomes and limit expenditures in categories such as administrative staff and legal fees.

Teacher Claims Conflict Of Interest In Suit Against FCPS’s Alleged Retaliation

Stephanie Lundquist-Arora is a contributor to Independent Women’s Features, The Federalist and the Washington Examiner, a mother in Fairfax County, Virginia, an author, and the Fairfax chapter leader of the Independent Women’s Network. Originally appeared on The Federalist.


Last month, Zenaida Perez, a teacher in Fairfax County Public Schools (FCPS), filed a lawsuit against the district for defamation and retaliation against a whistleblower. Strangely, King & Spalding, the law firm that the district’s superintendent, Michelle Reid, hired to be the “external independent investigator” of Perez’s allegations, is now representing FCPS in its defense.

In May 2022, Perez, who has taught FCPS’s English for Speakers of Other Languages (ESOL) students since 2008, told Centreville High School’s principal, Chad Lehman, that the school’s social worker, Carolina Diaz, facilitated an abortion for a minor student without her guardian’s consent.

In her signed statement (translated from Spanish), the student wrote, “Mrs. Carolina Diaz scheduled the appointment for me at the abortion clinic in Fairfax, paid the costs of that medical procedure, and kept everything quiet without informing my family.”

After Perez told Lehman about the school staff member’s involvement in the minor’s abortion, she says that she faced multiple incidents of retaliation and defamation from school and district administration. For example, her lawsuit states, “On April 8, 2025, an 18-year-old male student… confided to Perez that [Assistant Principal Montell] Brown instructed him to ask Perez for a ride in her personal vehicle to Costco, and that once Perez gave him the ride, he was to report the incident to Brown, so that he could write Perez up.”

Julie Perry, a teacher at Centreville High School who is familiar with the case and knows the student involved, believes that FCPS is retaliating against Perez for being a whistleblower. She said, “It makes me very sad to see my colleague, Zenaida, being heavily retaliated against because she was only doing the right thing by reporting illegal activity.”

Oddly, the district’s leaders didn’t seem concerned with Perez’s claims until the public was made aware of them. Only after the media reported on the abortion allegations did district leadership hire the expensive law firm to investigate. In an email to Centreville High School staff, dated Aug. 7, 2025, Reid wrote, “[T]he division has taken immediate action to engage an external independent investigator to get all the facts.”

Ongoing Investigation

In August and September, Fairfax County Public Schools paid the law firm $980,515.14 in taxpayer funds to investigate Perez’s claims. And while there is still an ongoing Virginia State Police criminal investigation into the matter, on Oct. 16, King & Spalding issued an inconclusive report stating that Perez’s allegations were “likely untrue.”

It seems that FCPS’s leaders are more interested in appearing to try to get to the bottom of things only when there is concern among the public that threatens the district’s image.

Conflict of Interest

Monique Miles, Perez’s attorney, noted that “King & Spalding can’t be both neutral fact finder and defense. There is an inherent conflict of interest in King & Spalding representing FCPS as counsel in both matters.” 

Miles further argues that “FCPS has lost all credibility by hiring King & Spalding to do an external independent investigation, where they released a preliminary report to the Senate [Health, Education, Labor, and Pensions] HELP Committee and the U.S. Department of Education Acting General Counsel inferring that Perez was a liar and claiming that the evidence doesn’t support her claims (when it does, especially the audio recordings), and then by hiring King & Spalding’s same attorneys, the very next week, to represent FCPS in defending against Perez’s lawsuit for defamation and retaliation.”

Perez on Administrative Leave

After King & Spalding released its inconclusive report in October, and while Diaz keeps her job as school social worker and Lehman was promoted, FCPS placed Perez on administrative leave. Perez believes that her suspension is permanent because, she said, district leaders insisted that she turn in her laptop, keys, and all district property. They also, according to Perez, terminated her email account and revoked her access to the student information system.

FCPS’s leaders were not interested in getting to the bottom of things until their public image was threatened. Now Perez’s lawsuit should reveal more about how they retaliated against the whistleblower.

‘Queen’ Michelle Reid and Fairfax County’s $4 billion school bullies

This op-ed was written by Stephanie Lundquist-Arora, a contributor to Independent Women’s Features, The Federalist and the Washington Examiner, a mother in Fairfax County, Virginia, an author, and the Fairfax chapter leader of the Independent Women’s Network. Originally appeared in The Washington Times.


Last month, Zenaida Perez, a Fairfax County Public Schools teacher, filed a lawsuit alleging that school and district officials defamed her character and retaliated against her for being a whistleblower.

According to the lawsuit, in May 2022, Ms. Perez told Chad Lehman, the principal of Centreville High School, that a minor student had undergone an abortion without the knowledge of her guardian. Ms. Perez alleged that Carolina Diaz, the school’s social worker, facilitated the abortion.

In a signed statement (translated from Spanish), the student who had the abortion wrote, “Mrs. Carolina Diaz scheduled the appointment for me at the abortion clinic in Fairfax, paid the costs of that medical procedure, and kept everything quiet without informing my family.”

After reporting the abortion, Ms. Perez said, she faced multiple incidents of retaliation before the district placed her on administrative leave. For example, her lawsuit states, “On April 8, 2025, an 18-year-old male student … confided to Perez that [Assistant Principal Montell] Brown instructed him to ask Perez for a ride in her personal vehicle to Costco, and that once Perez gave him the ride, he was to report the incident to Brown, so that he could write Perez up.”

Given that school officials were aware of Ms. Perez’s allegations in 2022, many parents are wondering why FCPS waited until this August, after media reports about the abortion, to hire an expensive law firm, King & Spalding, to initiate an investigation. In August and September, the district paid the firm $980,515.14.

Ms. Perez argues that the firm is meant to maintain the district’s image. She said, “If they had nothing to hide, they wouldn’t have hired that expensive law firm to conceal what they did.”

One of Ms. Perez’s colleagues at Centreville High School, Julie Perry, who knows the students involved and is intimately familiar with the case, said school officials are retaliating against Ms. Perez. Ms. Perry said, “It makes me very sad to see my colleague, Zenaida, being heavily retaliated against because she was only doing the right thing by reporting illegal activity.”

Ms. Perez’s case is far from the only example of FCPS’s retaliation against community members who are inconvenient to its reputation or political agenda. “Kate” — an alias name used in the courtroom for a former FCPS student who alleges that school and district leadership are responsible for a sexual assault she experienced in 2011 when she was in seventh grade — is quite familiar with the district’s wrath under the leadership of “Queen” Michelle Reid, the superintendent.

In 2024, attorneys for the district reportedly demanded that Kate undergo vaginal and anal exams, even though she allegedly sustained the injuries in 2011. The attorneys also insisted that she owed the district approximately $250,000 for legal fees.

In 2021, in Fairfax County School Board v. Tisler and Oettinger, the district sued two mothers, Debra Tisler and Callie Oettinger, because they obtained information from a Freedom of Information Act request that was arguably embarrassing to the district and then published the documents on the internet. The mothers were forced to retain counsel but ended up prevailing.

Judge Richard Gardiner ruled in the defendants’ favor. He acknowledged that Ms. Tisler and Ms. Oettinger lawfully obtained truthful information via the FOIA request and referred to the school board’s argument as “frivolous.” He said, “It’s clearly also about a matter of public significance because this has to do with legal bills that are being paid by the taxpayers of Fairfax County.” He added, “The Board, for whatever reason, maybe it was ineptness … made the decision to turn over the information, and they’re stuck with that.”

About a year later, in 2022, FCPS suspended my three sons for 39 cumulative days because of “dress code” violations for not wearing masks — after Gov. Glenn Youngkin issued an executive order permitting parents to opt out of school mask mandates. Despite my subsequent appeal, all the way up to “Queen” Reid, the district refused to expunge these obviously political penalties. Next fall, my eldest will be applying to colleges with these suspensions on his academic record. Really, nothing says retaliation more clearly than politically persecuting children.

Since 2019, FCPS’s leaders have spent $44 million on legal fees. At least some of this money, coming from its massive $4 billion annual budget, is being used to bully parents, children and community members who are inconvenient for their image or agenda. As Kate said, “The school district’s traditional defense whenever anyone speaks up is to scream that they’re lying or fraudulent. Then, they hire big law defense firms billing millions in taxpayer dollars to crush the everyday person and polish their own image through public relations.”

There is no better way to challenge bullies than to take their weapons. In this case, Fairfax County’s residents must demand an independent, external audit of the district’s massive budget and insist that tax dollars not be used to bully its community members into submission.